Early expectations for the 2024 election
ElectionWatch 2024
Congress averted a shutdown on Saturday with the enactment of a continuing resolution (CR) to fund the government for another 45 days. The new deadline for the enactment of a federal budget has been pushed to 17 November. The CR passed both chambers on a bipartisan basis but omitted additional money for border protection and aid for Ukraine, which remain contentious policy issues. The campaign season is underway, but deferral of final action on the budget will preoccupy members of Congress for another month.
The election campaign was overshadowed this week by a motion in the House of Representatives to “vacate the chair.” The unprecedented removal of Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) as speaker in a roll-call vote on Tuesday is expected to lead to time-consuming negotiations over the election of new GOP leadership in the House and could result in additional delays in enacting a budget for fiscal year 2024.
While the lower chamber of Congress attempts to get its own house in order, the candidates for president will continue their quest for the nomination.
What to know before the 2024 presidential election
What to know before the 2024 presidential election
The 2024 presidential election is more than a year away. However, it’s never too early to keep an eye on how it could impact policy and investments.
In this episode of UBS Trending, Tom McLoughlin, Head of Fixed Income and Municipal Securities, and Nadia Lovell, Senior Equity Strategist, sit down with host Anthony Pastore to discuss.
Four tips for navigating the upcoming campaign
Remember that it’s still early in the campaign
Despite a persistently low public approval rating, President Joe Biden has reiterated his intent to seek his party’s nomination again. Registered Democrats appear ambivalent about a second Biden term, and, as a recent CNN poll suggested, two-thirds of voters who lean Democratic would prefer a different nominee due to concerns about the president’s age and health. However, a quixotic challenge by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has failed to gain much traction. The Republican Party faces a choice: whether to nominate a former chief executive whose own low approval rating rivals the sitting president’s, or to seek a new nominee. Donald Trump holds a commanding lead in the polls, but it is still too early to conclude he will receive his party’s nomination.
Take polling data with a grain of salt
The polling industry was subjected to severe criticism after failing to predict the palpable surge in support for Donald Trump in 2016. A variety of explanations were offered, including the concept of the “shy Trump voter” who provided pollsters with expected but misleading answers to leading questions. Critics also cited the prevalence of respondents who “leaned Democratic” and the practical challenges imposed by the use of mobile phones. With few exceptions, national polls should be treated with particular skepticism. In the US, we elect presidents based on electoral votes. A Democrat running up the margin of victory in Oregon, or a Republican doing so in Oklahoma, is less impactful than winning a swing state by the narrowest of margins.
Beware of partisan bias in your portfolio
The notion that political affiliation has a direct impact on one’s level of optimism regarding the future direction of the economy is supported by ample academic research. A perception that the economy is improving—or deteriorating—can affect investment decisions in a way that can impair investment returns. Investors who share an affiliation with the political party in office are more likely to believe that financial assets are undervalued and respond accordingly by increasing their allocation to equities. Conversely, investors disappointed with the outcome of an election often adopt a risk-off strategy and take refuge in fixed income securities.1 While that type of impulse may be less costly when yields are high, as they are today, it runs the risk of distorting longer-term asset allocations.
Take the spitefulness of the election in stride
The upcoming election has the potential to be among the most acrimonious on record. There is no love lost between the two leading candidates, and our political parties vehemently disagree on fundamental fiscal, regulatory, and social policies. Take comfort in the fact that incendiary speech is nothing new to US politics. John Adams was called a “repulsive pedant” and “hideous hermaphrodite” by Thomas Jefferson’s campaign. The Adams campaign responded in kind, calling Jefferson a “godless atheist” and circulating a rumor that he had died during the campaign. The severity of personal attacks has ebbed and flowed in the succeeding two centuries. Adams and Jefferson ultimately reconciled, so there is always hope for a kinder and gentler reconciliation of our political differences.
Remember that it’s still early in the campaign
Despite a persistently low public approval rating, President Joe Biden has reiterated his intent to seek his party’s nomination again. Registered Democrats appear ambivalent about a second Biden term, and, as a recent CNN poll suggested, two-thirds of voters who lean Democratic would prefer a different nominee due to concerns about the president’s age and health. However, a quixotic challenge by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has failed to gain much traction. The Republican Party faces a choice: whether to nominate a former chief executive whose own low approval rating rivals the sitting president’s, or to seek a new nominee. Donald Trump holds a commanding lead in the polls, but it is still too early to conclude he will receive his party’s nomination.
Take polling data with a grain of salt
The polling industry was subjected to severe criticism after failing to predict the palpable surge in support for Donald Trump in 2016. A variety of explanations were offered, including the concept of the “shy Trump voter” who provided pollsters with expected but misleading answers to leading questions. Critics also cited the prevalence of respondents who “leaned Democratic” and the practical challenges imposed by the use of mobile phones. With few exceptions, national polls should be treated with particular skepticism. In the US, we elect presidents based on electoral votes. A Democrat running up the margin of victory in Oregon, or a Republican doing so in Oklahoma, is less impactful than winning a swing state by the narrowest of margins.
Beware of partisan bias in your portfolio
The notion that political affiliation has a direct impact on one’s level of optimism regarding the future direction of the economy is supported by ample academic research. A perception that the economy is improving—or deteriorating—can affect investment decisions in a way that can impair investment returns. Investors who share an affiliation with the political party in office are more likely to believe that financial assets are undervalued and respond accordingly by increasing their allocation to equities. Conversely, investors disappointed with the outcome of an election often adopt a risk-off strategy and take refuge in fixed income securities.1 While that type of impulse may be less costly when yields are high, as they are today, it runs the risk of distorting longer-term asset allocations.
Take the spitefulness of the election in stride
The upcoming election has the potential to be among the most acrimonious on record. There is no love lost between the two leading candidates, and our political parties vehemently disagree on fundamental fiscal, regulatory, and social policies. Take comfort in the fact that incendiary speech is nothing new to US politics. John Adams was called a “repulsive pedant” and “hideous hermaphrodite” by Thomas Jefferson’s campaign. The Adams campaign responded in kind, calling Jefferson a “godless atheist” and circulating a rumor that he had died during the campaign. The severity of personal attacks has ebbed and flowed in the succeeding two centuries. Adams and Jefferson ultimately reconciled, so there is always hope for a kinder and gentler reconciliation of our political differences.
Remember that it’s still early in the campaign
Despite a persistently low public approval rating, President Joe Biden has reiterated his intent to seek his party’s nomination again. Registered Democrats appear ambivalent about a second Biden term, and, as a recent CNN poll suggested, two-thirds of voters who lean Democratic would prefer a different nominee due to concerns about the president’s age and health. However, a quixotic challenge by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has failed to gain much traction. The Republican Party faces a choice: whether to nominate a former chief executive whose own low approval rating rivals the sitting president’s, or to seek a new nominee. Donald Trump holds a commanding lead in the polls, but it is still too early to conclude he will receive his party’s nomination.
Take polling data with a grain of salt
The polling industry was subjected to severe criticism after failing to predict the palpable surge in support for Donald Trump in 2016. A variety of explanations were offered, including the concept of the “shy Trump voter” who provided pollsters with expected but misleading answers to leading questions. Critics also cited the prevalence of respondents who “leaned Democratic” and the practical challenges imposed by the use of mobile phones. With few exceptions, national polls should be treated with particular skepticism. In the US, we elect presidents based on electoral votes. A Democrat running up the margin of victory in Oregon, or a Republican doing so in Oklahoma, is less impactful than winning a swing state by the narrowest of margins.
Beware of partisan bias in your portfolio
The notion that political affiliation has a direct impact on one’s level of optimism regarding the future direction of the economy is supported by ample academic research. A perception that the economy is improving—or deteriorating—can affect investment decisions in a way that can impair investment returns. Investors who share an affiliation with the political party in office are more likely to believe that financial assets are undervalued and respond accordingly by increasing their allocation to equities. Conversely, investors disappointed with the outcome of an election often adopt a risk-off strategy and take refuge in fixed income securities.1 While that type of impulse may be less costly when yields are high, as they are today, it runs the risk of distorting longer-term asset allocations.
Take the spitefulness of the election in stride
The upcoming election has the potential to be among the most acrimonious on record. There is no love lost between the two leading candidates, and our political parties vehemently disagree on fundamental fiscal, regulatory, and social policies. Take comfort in the fact that incendiary speech is nothing new to US politics. John Adams was called a “repulsive pedant” and “hideous hermaphrodite” by Thomas Jefferson’s campaign. The Adams campaign responded in kind, calling Jefferson a “godless atheist” and circulating a rumor that he had died during the campaign. The severity of personal attacks has ebbed and flowed in the succeeding two centuries. Adams and Jefferson ultimately reconciled, so there is always hope for a kinder and gentler reconciliation of our political differences.
Remember that it’s still early in the campaign
Despite a persistently low public approval rating, President Joe Biden has reiterated his intent to seek his party’s nomination again. Registered Democrats appear ambivalent about a second Biden term, and, as a recent CNN poll suggested, two-thirds of voters who lean Democratic would prefer a different nominee due to concerns about the president’s age and health. However, a quixotic challenge by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has failed to gain much traction. The Republican Party faces a choice: whether to nominate a former chief executive whose own low approval rating rivals the sitting president’s, or to seek a new nominee. Donald Trump holds a commanding lead in the polls, but it is still too early to conclude he will receive his party’s nomination.
Take polling data with a grain of salt
The polling industry was subjected to severe criticism after failing to predict the palpable surge in support for Donald Trump in 2016. A variety of explanations were offered, including the concept of the “shy Trump voter” who provided pollsters with expected but misleading answers to leading questions. Critics also cited the prevalence of respondents who “leaned Democratic” and the practical challenges imposed by the use of mobile phones. With few exceptions, national polls should be treated with particular skepticism. In the US, we elect presidents based on electoral votes. A Democrat running up the margin of victory in Oregon, or a Republican doing so in Oklahoma, is less impactful than winning a swing state by the narrowest of margins.
Beware of partisan bias in your portfolio
The notion that political affiliation has a direct impact on one’s level of optimism regarding the future direction of the economy is supported by ample academic research. A perception that the economy is improving—or deteriorating—can affect investment decisions in a way that can impair investment returns. Investors who share an affiliation with the political party in office are more likely to believe that financial assets are undervalued and respond accordingly by increasing their allocation to equities. Conversely, investors disappointed with the outcome of an election often adopt a risk-off strategy and take refuge in fixed income securities.1 While that type of impulse may be less costly when yields are high, as they are today, it runs the risk of distorting longer-term asset allocations.
Take the spitefulness of the election in stride
The upcoming election has the potential to be among the most acrimonious on record. There is no love lost between the two leading candidates, and our political parties vehemently disagree on fundamental fiscal, regulatory, and social policies. Take comfort in the fact that incendiary speech is nothing new to US politics. John Adams was called a “repulsive pedant” and “hideous hermaphrodite” by Thomas Jefferson’s campaign. The Adams campaign responded in kind, calling Jefferson a “godless atheist” and circulating a rumor that he had died during the campaign. The severity of personal attacks has ebbed and flowed in the succeeding two centuries. Adams and Jefferson ultimately reconciled, so there is always hope for a kinder and gentler reconciliation of our political differences.
Remember that it’s still early in the campaign
Despite a persistently low public approval rating, President Joe Biden has reiterated his intent to seek his party’s nomination again. Registered Democrats appear ambivalent about a second Biden term, and, as a recent CNN poll suggested, two-thirds of voters who lean Democratic would prefer a different nominee due to concerns about the president’s age and health. However, a quixotic challenge by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has failed to gain much traction. The Republican Party faces a choice: whether to nominate a former chief executive whose own low approval rating rivals the sitting president’s, or to seek a new nominee. Donald Trump holds a commanding lead in the polls, but it is still too early to conclude he will receive his party’s nomination.
Take polling data with a grain of salt
The polling industry was subjected to severe criticism after failing to predict the palpable surge in support for Donald Trump in 2016. A variety of explanations were offered, including the concept of the “shy Trump voter” who provided pollsters with expected but misleading answers to leading questions. Critics also cited the prevalence of respondents who “leaned Democratic” and the practical challenges imposed by the use of mobile phones. With few exceptions, national polls should be treated with particular skepticism. In the US, we elect presidents based on electoral votes. A Democrat running up the margin of victory in Oregon, or a Republican doing so in Oklahoma, is less impactful than winning a swing state by the narrowest of margins.
Beware of partisan bias in your portfolio
The notion that political affiliation has a direct impact on one’s level of optimism regarding the future direction of the economy is supported by ample academic research. A perception that the economy is improving—or deteriorating—can affect investment decisions in a way that can impair investment returns. Investors who share an affiliation with the political party in office are more likely to believe that financial assets are undervalued and respond accordingly by increasing their allocation to equities. Conversely, investors disappointed with the outcome of an election often adopt a risk-off strategy and take refuge in fixed income securities.1 While that type of impulse may be less costly when yields are high, as they are today, it runs the risk of distorting longer-term asset allocations.
Take the spitefulness of the election in stride
The upcoming election has the potential to be among the most acrimonious on record. There is no love lost between the two leading candidates, and our political parties vehemently disagree on fundamental fiscal, regulatory, and social policies. Take comfort in the fact that incendiary speech is nothing new to US politics. John Adams was called a “repulsive pedant” and “hideous hermaphrodite” by Thomas Jefferson’s campaign. The Adams campaign responded in kind, calling Jefferson a “godless atheist” and circulating a rumor that he had died during the campaign. The severity of personal attacks has ebbed and flowed in the succeeding two centuries. Adams and Jefferson ultimately reconciled, so there is always hope for a kinder and gentler reconciliation of our political differences.
Remember that it’s still early in the campaign
Despite a persistently low public approval rating, President Joe Biden has reiterated his intent to seek his party’s nomination again. Registered Democrats appear ambivalent about a second Biden term, and, as a recent CNN poll suggested, two-thirds of voters who lean Democratic would prefer a different nominee due to concerns about the president’s age and health. However, a quixotic challenge by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has failed to gain much traction. The Republican Party faces a choice: whether to nominate a former chief executive whose own low approval rating rivals the sitting president’s, or to seek a new nominee. Donald Trump holds a commanding lead in the polls, but it is still too early to conclude he will receive his party’s nomination.
Take polling data with a grain of salt
The polling industry was subjected to severe criticism after failing to predict the palpable surge in support for Donald Trump in 2016. A variety of explanations were offered, including the concept of the “shy Trump voter” who provided pollsters with expected but misleading answers to leading questions. Critics also cited the prevalence of respondents who “leaned Democratic” and the practical challenges imposed by the use of mobile phones. With few exceptions, national polls should be treated with particular skepticism. In the US, we elect presidents based on electoral votes. A Democrat running up the margin of victory in Oregon, or a Republican doing so in Oklahoma, is less impactful than winning a swing state by the narrowest of margins.
Beware of partisan bias in your portfolio
The notion that political affiliation has a direct impact on one’s level of optimism regarding the future direction of the economy is supported by ample academic research. A perception that the economy is improving—or deteriorating—can affect investment decisions in a way that can impair investment returns. Investors who share an affiliation with the political party in office are more likely to believe that financial assets are undervalued and respond accordingly by increasing their allocation to equities. Conversely, investors disappointed with the outcome of an election often adopt a risk-off strategy and take refuge in fixed income securities.1 While that type of impulse may be less costly when yields are high, as they are today, it runs the risk of distorting longer-term asset allocations.
Take the spitefulness of the election in stride
The upcoming election has the potential to be among the most acrimonious on record. There is no love lost between the two leading candidates, and our political parties vehemently disagree on fundamental fiscal, regulatory, and social policies. Take comfort in the fact that incendiary speech is nothing new to US politics. John Adams was called a “repulsive pedant” and “hideous hermaphrodite” by Thomas Jefferson’s campaign. The Adams campaign responded in kind, calling Jefferson a “godless atheist” and circulating a rumor that he had died during the campaign. The severity of personal attacks has ebbed and flowed in the succeeding two centuries. Adams and Jefferson ultimately reconciled, so there is always hope for a kinder and gentler reconciliation of our political differences.
Policies and priorities in the 2024 election
Policies and priorities in the 2024 election
We expect Congress to address the expiring provisions of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) in 2025. The TCJA temporarily reduced marginal income tax rates for most individuals and doubled the amount of the standard deduction. It also doubled the amount of the child tax credit and increased the thresholds at which the credit was phased out. The estate tax exclusion was also doubled. Many of these changes are scheduled to revert to prior levels beginning on 1 January 2026.
The debate will be highly contentious. Republicans are expected to try and make the tax cuts permanent. Democrats are likely to focus on raising tax rates within the highest marginal income brackets. The outcome is uncertain, and much will depend on the degree of control exercised by one party or the other, but some provisions are likely to survive regardless of who controls the gavel in each chamber. For example, a limit on state and local tax deductions probably will persist, albeit with a higher cap. Meanwhile, temporary tax cuts become entrenched with each passing year and are difficult to reverse. The variable will be the degree to which tax cuts, once made permanent, cover individuals with higher incomes. Here, we examine selected policy areas with greater specificity.
Key driver: The increasing federal deficit
Our early take: According to the Congressional Budget Office, federal debt held by the public is projected to rise from 98% of GDP in 2023 to 118% in 2033. Growth in mandatory spending on entitlement programs and higher rates of interest on the national debt are expected to increase the debt-to-GDP ratio to 195% by 2053.
More than three-quarters of the federal budget consists of mandatory spending, national defense outlays, and interest payments on the national debt. Meaningful reductions to these line items are highly unlikely. Democrats were unable to enact significant tax increases while they controlled both houses in the last Congress, while Republicans have not yet been able to address the rising cost of federal transfer payments. The 2024 campaign will feature persistent and acrimonious debates over fiscal policy but will not alter the general trajectory of the deficit until a crisis takes hold.
Key driver: Tax exemption
Our early take: Public interest groups, ranging from the Government Finance Officers Association to the Conference of Mayors, have been obliged to remind Congress periodically that most non-defense-related infrastructure in the US is financed by states and local governments. Tax exemption lowers the cost of capital for these borrowers, but it comes at a cost to the federal government in the form of forgone tax revenue. The tax benefits are skewed to individuals with higher incomes, which makes them a target for progressive lawmakers. This tax exemption ranks 16th in the top estimated federal tax expenditures over five years, at roughly USD 180.7bn, according to the staff of Joint Committee on Taxation.2
As the next Congress reconvenes in January 2025, both parties will be focused on passing a major tax bill. We expect all tax expenditures—including municipal tax exemption—to be actively debated. While some constraints may be imposed, which could include the loss of tax exemption for new-issue private activity bonds, we believe there is enough support in Congress to retain the exemption for most types of municipal securities. To the extent that additional constraints are enacted, we would expect Congress to grandfather outstanding tax-exempt securities.
Key driver: The SALT deduction was capped at USD 10,000 per year through 2025.
Our early take: The TCJA imposed a USD 10,000 per year cap on a taxpayer’s ability to deduct state and local taxes on federal tax returns. To the extent that all expiring provisions of the TCJA are made permanent, the cap on SALT deductions would persist. However, a complete repeal is unlikely because it would result in a more substantial reduction in federal tax revenue and would be opposed by members of Congress who believe that an unlimited deduction represents a subsidy to states with higher rates of taxation. Other opponents of an unlimited deduction point out that the benefit of an unlimited deduction skews to the more affluent. We expect Congress to address the cap, but an increase in the maximum deduction is a more likely outcome than a complete elimination of the cap.
Key driver: The federal estate tax exclusion is at an all-time high but is scheduled to decline at the end of 2025.
Our early take: The TCJA more than doubled the inflationadjusted estate tax exclusion, which rose from approximately USD 5.5mn in 2017 to roughly USD 12.9mn in 2023. The exclusion will be cut in half, adjusted for inflation, in 2026 if Congress does not act. We expect Congress to address this issue, but absent a unified government under GOP control, the size of the exemption would likely decline in 2026.
Key driver: 1031 exchanges
Our early take: Section 1031 now applies only to exchanges of real property. Exchanges of personal or intangible property are no longer exempt from treatment as a gain or loss under the Internal Revenue Code. We place a low probability on the restoration of personal or intangible property as eligible exchanges for 1031 treatment. In addition, previous Democratic administrations have discussed further limitations and potential eliminations of the entire 1031 program. In the event of full Democrat control of Congress and the White House, it is possible this topic could be revisited.
Key driver: Phase-out of bonus depreciation
Our early take: The TCJA extended bonus depreciation rules that were set to expire at the end of 2019 and increased the deductible amount to 100%. However, the law also provided for a phasing-out of the accelerated depreciation beginning in 2023. Barring a change in law, the bonus percentage will decline by 20% each year through 2027. There appears to be bipartisan support to slow down or eliminate the phase-out, but a legislative vehicle through which to do so has not been identified. In the absence of any action before 2025, we expect Congress to address the issue at that time.
Key driver: Defense spending and supplementals
Our early take: The debt ceiling agreement stipulated that the defense budget can rise by only 3.3% in FY24 and 1% in FY25—a sizable step-down from FY23 growth. This is seen by many in Congress as shortchanging military preparedness amid a precarious geopolitical backdrop, but loud voices on both sides would prefer to see spending reduced. Given the ongoing war in Ukraine and elevated tensions with China, we expect these numbers to be the floor, not the ceiling. However, the timing and size of new supplementals will depend on the voting power of the vocal opposition. Aside from the absolute level of spending, passing an annual budget and authorizing funds will be important for defense contractors’ cash flows. Operating under a continuing resolution for an extended period could become increasingly disruptive.
Key driver: Maintenance of existing provisions
Our early take: The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and its generous tax credits are accelerating investment in green and blue hydrogen, sustainable aviation fuel, carbon capture, and electric vehicles—a rising tide that lifts the value chain, many of which are large industrial and material companies. We do not believe the core of the IRA will be renegotiated, as much of the investment is taking place in red states, and incentives are spurring global participants to focus investment in the US. However unlikely it may be, should provisions of the IRA be called into question, rates of return on certain projects may no longer be worthwhile. The success of the IRA also likely means that tax credits on offer could cost the government significantly more than initially contemplated. If budget hawks gain influence, the uncapped nature of the tax credits may be reassessed.
Key driver: Regulatory burden and prices at the pump
Our early take: Energy policy is a recurring issue in election years. Though we expect some candidates to talk about trying to weaken provisions in the IRA and increase US fossil fuel production, we do not believe either topic has much policy potential. US crude oil and natural gas production continues to grow slowly, and the IRA is driving renewable project developments (and jobs) in red and blue states across the country. The key issue to watch during 2024 will be oil prices. Higher oil prices could drive gasoline and diesel prices in 4Q23 and 1H24 higher than they were a year ago (and thereby influence inflation). A release from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve is possible, but with potential negotiations for a US-Saudi Arabia bilateral deal in early 2024, this appears less likely in the first half of next year.
Key driver: Banking system stability
Our early take: Elections inevitably lead to headline and regulatory risks for the financial sector. A third—legislative risk—seems remote given a divided Congress, and the 2010 Dodd-Frank Act already covers a lot of ground. That said, there could be changes with broad implications such as market structure reforms promoted by the SEC and credit card interchange controls advanced by Congress.
We would expect the Biden administration to continue to impose rules and interpret regulations that raise banks’ compliance and capital costs. A Republican candidate would be more likely to support some deregulation and tailoring of existing rules and regulations that could simplify the oversight of banks and lower compliance and capital costs. It is too early to determine which of the two outcomes is more likely.
Key driver: Medicare drug pricing regulation and legislation
Our early take: Overall, we expect only a modest impact from any healthcare proposals discussed in the upcoming presidential election. We expect President Biden to tout Medicare drug pricing negotiation provisions included in the IRA and advocate for additional pricing reforms, both in Medicare and in the commercial/employer market.
Given the challenges faced by Democrats in the past two congresses, we do not expect additional drug pricing reforms to gain much traction in a closely divided Congress. Republicans are unlikely to sponsor major healthcare policy initiatives during the upcoming election, and appear to have little appetite to roll back the IRA’s drug pricing provisions, but will focus attention on rising healthcare costs.
Key driver: Privacy, trade, and geopolitics
Our early take: From bipartisan clamoring to rein in “Big Tech” to increasing restrictions on chips and chip equipment shipments to China, technology has been front and center in both domestic policy and international relations for much of the past five years. The 2024 election cycle will see more of the same.
We believe there will be four pivotal issues that presidential candidates address: 1) the perception of outsize market power of large technology companies and the associated impacts on competition, politics, and society; 2) a continued focus on restricting mergers and acquisitions by large technology companies; 3) bilateral relations with China; and 4) the risks, threats, and opportunities of artificial intelligence.
1See UBS Chief Investment Office ElectionWatch, “More clarity, more uncertainty,” 20 March 2020. In that report, we cited Maarten Meeuwis and Jonathan Parker, et al., “Belief Disagreement and Portfolio Choice,” National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 2510, September 2019; Yosef Bonaparte and Alok Kumar et al., “Political Climate, Optimism, and Investment Decisions,” University of Miami, 26 February 2012; Marian Moszoro, “The Party Politics of Stock Market Investing,” George Mason University, 25 March 2019; and Harrison Hong and Leonard Kostovetsky, “Red and Blue Investing,” Princeton University, March 2010.
2Staff of the Joint Committee on Taxation, “Estimates of federal tax expenditures for fiscal years 2022–2026,” 22 December 2022